By Dr Sakti Prasad Srichandan

The year 2023 marks the 25^th anniversary of the establishment of a strategic partnership between India and France. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s presence in this year’s Bastille’s Day Parade on July 14 as a Guest of Honour is a recognition of the growing synergies and the importance France attaches to its ties with India. But before Modi, former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had this honour in 2009. While Singh’s visit was at a time when France was an integral part of the transatlantic bandwagon with the centrality of the United States, the visit of Modi comes in the backdrop of Macron’s France is seen as reviving Gaullism with a pitch for “European sovereignty” and “strategic autonomy”.

While the Cold War strategy was to “keep the Soviet Union out, the Americans in, and the Germans down”, at present European countries are favouring a strategy to “keep Russia down, the United States in, and China out”. But Macron has thwarted a genuine European global strategy from emerging especially in China and alienated many due to the revival of Gaullism. As for India, the bilateral relations with France may not be affected, but the likely dilution of the French Indo-Pacific approach and diverging strategies in the EU will have an indirect impact on its interests.

Revival of Gaullism

Founder of the Fifth Republic and former President of France Charles de Gaulle along with former West Germany Chancellor Konrad Adenauer were instrumental in the European integration process that provided a lasting peace to the continent. While the integration process was underway Gaulle also navigated his country’s relations with other powers with a focus on France’s strength, influence and independence. Emphasis on national sovereignty, autonomy and flexibility in international relations, multilateralism, nuclear deterrence, and a pro-European orientation were some of the features identified with Gaullism. Gaulle’s approach restored his country’s primacy in Europe, kept the United States out of European affairs, brought flexibility to build relations with other great powers and made France and Germany the twin engines of the European Union (EU).

Macron, while inheriting Gaullism, has warned against France becoming a vassal of any other power with tacit reference to the United States. Just like during Gaulle’s times, Macron’s simultaneous bilateral outreach to countries sitting at different corners of the fence like the US, Russia, Iran, China, and India has confused many. Some even opine that by playing on different sides, France may be reduced to a pawn in the great power game.

India France relations

There has been consistency in India-France relations, regardless of who comes to power in either country. India and France while accommodating and respecting each other’s sensitivities have a deep engagement that encompasses strategic cooperation, economic ties, sustainable development, cultural exchanges and shared values. The strategic component includes defence, space, cyber security, counter-terrorism, intelligence, civil nuclear energy and a strong Indo-Pacific tilt. In recent years, this strategic partnership has been broadened to include issues like climate, environment, blue economy, ocean governance, clean energy, smart cities, new technologies and health.

The bilateral trade touched USD 15.1 billion in 2021-22, double from the last decade. With an investment of around USD 10 billion, France has emerged as the 11th largest foreign investor in India in 2022. France helped India to get out of isolation after the 1998 nuclear tests and even favoured India’s early entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group. France also supports India’s aspiration to become a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. As India tries to diversify its arms supplier base, France has emerged as the second-largest arms supplier in 2018-22 unseating the US.

Challenges ahead

Though core engagements are unlikely to be affected, the revival of Gaullism may put certain challenges which India has to deal with very carefully keeping the sensitivities of the French in mind.

First, France wants the United States to have less involvement in European continental affairs. While in the past, the United States had arm-twisted many European countries to act against India’s interests (e.g. sanctions after the Pokhran test), the geopolitical realities have changed with India’s rise as a global actor and new thrust in India-US ties. The United States remaining relevant in Europe will check China’s influence which will be in India’s favour.

Second, France was the first country in Europe to come up with an Indo-Pacific strategy as it considers itself as a residential power due to its territories spread across from West Indian Ocean to the South Pacific and therefore has a military presence. Many countries including France count India as an essential partner of their strategy. Apart from bilateral engagements, India and France are also developing trilateral frameworks in the Indo-Pacific with countries like the UAE, Australia, Indonesia, and Japan. France, just like India, wants to avoid getting entangled in the US-China binary politics, and seek to diversify partners in the region. But while distancing itself from the EU’s emerging strategic consensus on China, Macron has called for a “close and solid global strategic partnership” between Paris and Beijing which has the possibility of denting its earlier stand on Indo-Pacific. India needs to moderate emerging French posturing on China.

Third, India’s Foreign Minister S Jaishankar made a point by saying “Europe’s problems are the world’s problems but the world’s problems are not Europe’s problems”. During his visit to China, Macron sparked an international backlash over his remarks that Europe must resist dragged into the US-China conflict over Taiwan, which made Jaishankar right. European leaders can now be reasoned to think twice before nudging India to take sides (e.g. Ukraine war) as they have diverging views on their home turf.  

Among the European leaders, Modi has the highest number of meetings with Macron which shows the priority leaders attach to the bilateral relationship. After Brexit, for India, France remains a reliable and predictable gateway to the European Union. Modi-Macron chemistry, mutual interests and diplomatic manoeuvring will play important roles in ensuring India is suitably accommodated in the French Gaullist worldview.

The author is an Assistant Professor, the Centre for European Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

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