Both are situated in different geographies and are at different stages of economic development. But somehow their worldviews seem to have converged. France is an integral part of the European economic and security architecture, which is based on the common economic integration project and trans-Atlantic alliance.

Still, the core of French foreign policy has been national identity and strategic independence. Since Charles De Gaulle, French leadership seems to believe that a strong and united Europe could be used as a tool to improve the French position in world affairs. President Emmanuel Macron intends to make the EU a third pole in global affairs along with the US and China through strategic autonomy and European sovereignty. In 1998, then President Jacques Chirac wanted to resolve India’s exclusion from the global nuclear framework and refrained from imposing economic sanctions as many other countries did.

The French views on foreign affairs, therefore, converge with the Indian preference for a multipolar world and strategic independence. The last 25 years have also seen unprecedented economic growth in the Indian economy. There has also been the rise of an assertive China. Economic and geopolitical factors created tremendous opportunities for both to work together.

A strong institutional mechanism has been established to strengthen cooperation in the areas of defence, space, civil nuclear, renewables, cyberspace, digital technology, counter-terrorism, maritime security, regular defence exercises and the blue economy.

Both have jointly launched the International Solar Alliance and established trilaterals like India-France-Australia and India-France-UAE. So, a similar worldview and new economic opportunities in India have sustained the partnership in the last 25 years.

In the ‘Horizon 2047’ communique issued after the recent visit, talking about the next 25 years of the relationship, three major areas have been identified: Partnership for security and sovereignty, for the planet and for the people. Why do you think these areas have been selected?

The way links have developed over the last quarter century, partnership for security and sovereignty, for the planet and for the people capture the essence and ambition for the next 25 years. France has emerged as the second largest exporter of defence equipment to India in the last ten years. 36 Rafale fighter jets have already been delivered.

A large number of deals including more Rafale jets, submarines, joint development of combat aircraft engines and helicopters are being negotiated and finalised. Some of them may involve joint production and significant technology transfer. This is crucial for India’s defence modernization, diversification of supplies and Make in India project. There is a convergence in security and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific.

As outlined in a separate Indo-Pacific Roadmap, both may align their infrastructure, connectivity and development projects together linking through trilateral cooperation with Australia the UAE or through triangular development cooperation projects. The communique covers the ambitions concerning a low carbon economy. A large number of specific projects in the areas of renewables, circular economy and blue economy are mentioned.

These could be useful for India’s sustainable modernisation and urbanisation. France is a pioneer in civil nuclear energy and has offered to build six nuclear power reactors in Jaitapur.

However, it may not be easy to implement these projects due to changing global energy dynamics, huge costs involved as well as pending technical and legal issues. Initiatives for promoting people-to-people contacts through tourism, collaborations among educational and research institutions as well as businesses are useful. To sustain this partnership in the long run, we may also need robust civil society linkages.

The larger issues that are currently being discussed globally in the short term, relate to the Ukraine-Russia war, in which Europe figures prominently. In the longer term, China’s influence on world affairs, and the lows in its relationship with countries like India and the US are of concern. How can cooperation with France assist India in such a scenario?

Issues concerning Russia and China will continue to influence bilateral ties. For Europe, the major foreign policy challenge at the moment is the Russia-Ukraine war. This is an area where Indian and French perceptions differ. Within Europe, Macron is also being criticised for his softer approach both towards Russia and China as well as his remarks on Taiwan. Although Modi in Paris mentioned that he is ready to contribute to lasting peace in Ukraine, no concrete initiative was outlined.

Many European leaders including Macron have labelled China as a negotiating partner, an economic competitor, and a systemic rival. Since ‘de-coupling’ from China is not possible, the latest focus is on ‘de-risking’ economic ties with China. Although Europe’s tough policies towards Russia and French ‘mixed-up’ approach towards China will continue to pose challenges to bilateral ties, it may also through new opportunities to work together.

Were there any substantial outcomes seen in the sphere of India and France’s economic ties?

An area which found relatively little space in the communique is trade and investment. For the last few years, India’s trade with France is about $10-12 billion a year. In comparison, our trade with countries like Bangladesh, Thailand, Malaysia and Vietnam is more than France.

Most large French companies have a presence in India. For the last 25 years, they have invested about $10 billion. India definitely can have better trade and investment ties with a $3 trillion European economy. Negotiations on India-EU trade and investment agreements have re-started. Early conclusion of these agreements may provide a new momentum to economic ties. Knowing the history of these negotiations, however, we really need to redouble our efforts to finalise these agreements.

Some of the new measures announced include raising the number of students who will be admitted to France. Even as a language barrier exists, on what pillars is the growth of people-to-people ties being planned?

Already signed migration and mobility agreement, larger student and professional mobility and improved civil society linkages may help bring India and France further closer. Alliances Françaises’s objective of reaching 50,000 students will help in achieving the new target of 30,000 Indian students in France by 2030. Since language will be a factor in mobility, encouraging French in educational institutions will be crucial.

Multiple visits to France have been made by PM Modi. To what extent can the state of India-France ties be attributed to the present leadership of the two countries, does their bonhomie play a role?

On solid foundations laid by earlier leaders, three Indian Prime Ministers and four French Presidents have contributed to special India-France ties in the last 25 years. PM Modi played a historic role in finalizing the Rafale deal and forcefully articulating the Indo-Pacific narrative, which has made a qualitative difference. Modi-Macron bonhomie has the potential to make it a defining partnership.

(Gulshan Sachdeva is Professor, Centre for European Studies and Coordinator, Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence, Jawaharlal Nehru University)